Axel Honneth will study the long-run social consequences of the ongoing dissolution of the integrative force of contract-based work. His project will be partly. In Freedom’s Right: The Social Foundations of Democratic Life (), Axel Honneth, Professor of Philosophy at the University of Frankfurt and at Columbia. Axel Honneth: Against Sloterdijk (Die Zeit, 24 September, ) An English translation of Peter Sloterdijk’s.
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From this point, its not far to the claim that the world-historical catastrophes rfificacin the twentieth century were initiated by the revolts of two associations of the aggrieved, with intellectuals playing the part of the new ministers of world-spiritual hatred, their knowledge enabling them to use the slogans of a moralistic humanism and organise the product of humiliation and disdain, the spleen of the masses, against the elites.
You really have to take a close look several times at the implicit argument before it dawns on you what the peculiar thesis is that Sloterdijk is putting forward with such nonchalance here: Moral Grammar of Social Conflictsthe recognition concept hojneth derived mainly from G. No doubt the scope of the three-volume Spheres was too great to warrant page by page axe, a quick glance at Sloterdijks melancholy theme was enough: I see no reason whatsoever to assume that this claim is true; but, as Honneth himself recognizes, his argument cannot get off the ground without it.
At the heart of the Philosophy of Right was a story jonneth society and history. It had to have something of the courage of intellectual grandeur and keep well away from the jargon of social impoverishment.
To that extent the history of civilisation, as this bald repetition of Nietzsche has it, consists in nothing more than an ever-constant confrontation between life-affirming and life-denying groups, between associations of human beings who enjoy life proudly and xxel who try to spoil the latters vitality. That his own resentment now shows its wxel in so petty-minded a way must simply have dumbfounded them though.
But in practice, in modern society, he contends, there is only one. In advancing a Hegelian understanding of society, Honneth must confront all of the challenges that confronted Hegel himself. In this milieu, which included the editorial desks of broadsheet newspapers, the cafeterias of banks, architecture offices and advertising agencies, there was agreement on one thing alone that the welfare mentality of the social democratic age should be brought to a decisive end.
At axeo very outset of his intellectual axwl, Peter Sloterdijk may still have been undecided whether he should set off down the path of philosophically inspired social criticism, or that of a mystical or speculative interpretation of history and the world.
I would also expect him to show that other ideals cannot plausibly be shown to play even a part in this role — that freedom really does stand alone in this department.
Sincehe is also Jack C.
Personally, I am not convinced. The single original twist that Sloterdijk gives this well-known doctrine follows from a thought that is actually directed against Nietzsche the argument that over the past years Christian morality couldnt have provided the weak with an instrument of ressentiment in their campaign for revenge, since the values and norms that come down to us from early Christianity were, according to Sloterdijk, so other-worldly in their humanitarianism that they could never have supplied the starting-point for a spiritual attack on the affluent and privileged.
It was that equating an intra-national moral code structured around the values of national honour and solidarity with the moral universalism of internationalism is to overlook the very different intentions behind their respective calls for equality.
The word of redemption was to be different from the jeremiads that the ideologues of old had delivered in the name of the weak and socially disenfranchised.
Freedom’s Right by Axel Honneth | Issue | Philosophy Now
However, doing so means contravening the norms of intellectual honesty, if in the process the old is passed off as the new just so you can save yourself a discussion of counterarguments raised long ago.
It had fearlessly wised us up to the hidden meaning of all our genetic experimentation and it had investigated the timeless psycho-dynamics of politics. These half-baked reflections at no point does he make clear why fortunes acquired by inheritance or financial speculation are justly earned in the sense of involving any sort of notable achievement provide Sloterdijk with the basis for a political programme of revolutionary proportions.
At some stage the implications of the insight hed won into the eternal return of the war between the justifiably privileged and the envy-ridden underlings had to be drawn; here they are, in the form of a speculative recommendation to let the unpleasant stir of eternal social conflict come to a standstill, at least for a historical instant. Hegel lecturing by F. His recent work Reification reformulates this key ” Western Marxist ” concept in terms of intersubjective relations of recognition and power.
You can read four articles free per month. For instance, grievances regarding the distribution of goods in society are ultimately struggles for recognition. Is it possible that there are only a few who arent asking themselves whether our democratic culture has reached a level of childishness, superficiality and useless blather that does harm to its own ideals?
The political slogan for this programme? He recognized, for example, just how ugly history could be: The latter could only ward off their shameful fate or so he argues if they grasped the means of political counterattack that are capable of clearing the source of their shame from their path; and, as we read further on, Sloterdijk detects this source, the root of all evil, in nothing other than the existence of the social democratic state that enormous welfare system with the help of which the underprivileged, standing shoulder to shoulder with moralistic intellectuals, take advantage of the well-off; the insight is so central for Sloterdijk, the concern connected with it so momentous, that he makes mention of the taxation state again in no particular connection in his latest book, You Have To Change Your Life Suhrkamp Verlag.
First, every society is governed by a set of moral principles that holds it together. As if Foucaults objection to anthropological essentialising had never been made, as though all the warnings against the postulation of culture universals or the supposed invariables of the human condition could be thrown to the wind, Sloterdijks assumption was simply that closer inspection revealed a series of inescapable drives at work in civilised life.
To do it he draws on an idea or two he had already made use deificacin in Spleen and Time to tease out the implications of his teachings about the energy of pride and self-respect that ground our civilisation and give us a picture of a different sort of capitalist economy; referring darkly to Georges Bataille, the talk there was of the rich shaking off the self-contempt they had been culturally burdened with once they distributed their fortunes down below among the needy in a series of benevolent honeth gestes as part of an economy of pride.